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A Political Crisis
Part 6
Oriol Junquares, the former vice-president of Catalonia, argues his case during his trial on charges of sedition and rebellion. He started his defence by saying he's been charged over his ideas. Photo by EFE.
“If we want to resolve this political crisis, and we condemn these men and women, there will be riots.”
Pere Millan (Pro-independence)
On October 27, 2017, the Catalan Parliament declared full independence from Spain.
Basing its decision on the October 1 referendum (92 per cent voted yes, but only 43 per cent turnout,) the move sparked jubilant celebrations in the chambers. The Catalan national anthem was played, and representatives joined together to sing.
People packed the streets and waved the Catalan flags of independence. For them, their long-awaited freedom had finally arrived.
But then the Spanish state responded.
Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy immediately invoked Section 155 of the Spanish constitution which dissolved the Catalan Parliament and brought the region under the direct rule of the state until the next provincial elections.
His government followed that up by arresting prominent pro-independence politicians such as Oriol Junqueras, the former vice-president of Catalonia, on charges of sedition and rebellion. He and 11 others are still in jail today. Carles Puigdemont, the president of Catalonia, fled when arrests started happening and currently resides in exile.
The politicians face at least 7 years of imprisonment with the prosecution requesting over 50 for some prisoners.
Junqueras, who is up against some of the graver charges, could go to jail for anywhere between 30-74 years. For context, a sentence for murder in Spain is usually 30 years.
The moment when the Catalan Parliament declared independence. Source: Catalan Parliament
News footage from the Financial Times explaining what happened on October 27.
Pro-independence protestors demand Madrid release the political prisoners.
Independiste Pere Millan believes these types of sentences are ridiculous.
“They’ve already spent 1 to 2 years in a prison for something that had no blood and they’ll never be able to run for office again. I feel like this is making them bleed more for no reason,” said Millan. “If they killed someone or attacked cops, I could understand, but the fact is nothing happened, they just did a referendum that was non-binding. There was a lot of spectacle, but not much substance.”
Pro-independence supporter Sara Martin agrees with this sentiment, but she thinks that the Spanish government is trying to send a message.
“It's trying to show us who really has the power. They’re trying to show the authority that they have and try to discourage people from doing the same again,” she said.
As I researched these men and women, I couldn’t help but feel chills down my spine. The way that they are being treated eerily reminds me of the punishment my great-grandfather received for opposing Franco. Sure, these people aren’t being sent to a prison camp, but they are in jail for expressing anti-Spanish and pro-Catalan views. This seems just like something that Franco would do.
But anti-independence supporter Gemma Morales doesn’t see it the way I do.
“The real political prisoners were condemned by the dictatorship for their ideas,” she said. “There are no political prisoners here. They’re not in jail for their ideas, but rather for their actions. You can say and think whatever you want all day here.”
But, I can’t help but reject her logic. I have a hard time seeing how multiple life sentences for someone like Junqueras has anything to do with justice. It seems like just an evolution of the Catalan oppression that independistes are constantly trying to make outsiders understand.
A recent report by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions confirmed that these are indeed political prisoners and called for their immediate release.
Fundamentally, for many independistes, imprisoning Catalan leaders is just a symptom of a political system that will never truly represent them.
“I think Catalonia has a political tradition that is different from mainstream Spain,” said Martin. “This can be seen in the general election where we vote for different parties. I think if we become independent it would be easier to form a progressive government that could run us better.”
In the last general election, the far-right party Vox got over 10 per cent of the popular vote of Spain. They called for the destruction of the Catalan parliament and ran several retired Franco generals as candidates.
For many, the brand of Spanish patriotism that they promote is simply the continuation of Franco.
“In Catalonia, you won’t see Spanish patriotism because it’s from Franco,” said Martin. “I think the idea of being Spanish is a forced one.”
Martin thinks that Catalonia has a more left-wing tradition that is incompatible with the Spanish right and, in her eyes, that’s proven by October 1 and the political prisoners. I can attest to this tradition because my great-grandfather was a leftist who was a fervent believer in ideas like collectivism and social justice.
“Even the conservative parties here, they’re not extreme. CUP (Catalan pro-independence communist party) is much more extreme than the usual left-wing Spanish party,” said Martin. “Spanish people’s heads would explode if they had anything more left-wing than Podemos (a mainstream left-wing party.)”
A famous sign hung up by Republicans in Madrid tells Franco's nationalists that they will 'not pass.' Many Catalans feel closer to the Republicans politically, then mainstream Spain. Photo by EFE
Grafitti in modern-day Barcelona demands that fascists leave.
“My form of being Spanish depends on me being Catalan, and I don’t see any other way of being Spanish without defending Catalonia.”
Gemma Morales (Anti-Independence)
Morales rejects the idea that Catalans don’t feel pride in Spain. When I went to talk to her, this is the first thing that she said, even before I had the chance to ask a question.
“My way of being Catalan means that I’m Spanish. I can’t understand when people believe that they are more Catalan than Spanish or more Spanish than Catalan. Here for many years, they’ve tried to divide these two identities and if you feel Spanish than they will call you a bad Catalan,” she said.
Also, she warns of the purity of Catalan politics by pointing to former president Jordi Pujol who was convicted of corruption after being found guilty of taking of kickbacks while in office.
“It’s a house of corruption here. And they say it’s Madrid’s fault and so that people don’t think about the corruption here.”
But, for independiste Millan, the Spanish political system can’t be reformed at this point.
“I think that the Spanish state is very complicated and hard to reform,” said Millan. “We want independence so we can do things differently and have a more fair and progressive country.”
And he believes that full independence for Catalonia would benefit Spain’s political system in the long-run.
“Many in Spain would reject this on a gut reaction. But if people don’t want to live here (Spain) and if Catalans don’t want to be part of this, they would reflect on what they were doing wrong. What can I change so people feel better here and don’t want to leave? But Spain isn’t doing this right now, and that’s part of the problem."
But one side has come up with a solution that may be a solution to the independence crisis.
A Viable Solution?
A banner declaring: "we will vote and we will win. We are a Republic."
“I’m pro-independence, but first of all, before that, I’m pro-referendum which in my opinion is the best way to resolve this political issue.”
Pere Millan (Pro-independence)
For independistes like Pere Millan, the solution to this political crisis is simple.
“We need to organize a legal referendum that all the parties can agree on. Then we wait for the results and from there we see what people decide. If yes, I’ll be happy, but if no wins at least people had the chance to express themselves.”
This is a common view espoused by those who want independence. They point to referendums organized in other countries such as Great Britain with Scotland and Canada with Quebec. Not allowing them to vote is anti-democratic, they say.
But, for Morales, a referendum cannot be allowed to happen. She points at the Spanish Constitution which states “the sovereignty of the Spanish people and the indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation.”
“This is a way to violate the rights of all Spaniards,” said Morales. “In our Constitution, it says that our national sovereignty must be decided by everyone. When one part of the country wants to do a referendum, it violates the rights of all the other parts.”
“Independistes talk about democracy here, but they don’t respect the laws that are in place and there is no democracy here if you don’t respect the rights of others or the law. We don’t have a majority (in Spain) so we can’t separate and that’s from a democratic point of view.”
But, pro-independence supporter Guillem Catena doesn’t buy this view. He thinks that the constitution should be amended to better reflect the situation now.
“They won’t change it for a referendum because they aren’t interested in this,” he said. “If there is a will then they will modify it. You can’t call Spain a democratic country if they don’t allow us to vote.”
He also points to the whole process of establishing the constitution. In 1975, Franco died and he appointed King Juan Carlos as his replacement.
However, in 1978, the King decided to form a constitution while consulting with representatives from political parties from all sides. He would become a figurehead and the country would be ruled by a Prime Minister with a parliamentarian democracy. This proposal went to the people who accepted it with 91 per cent of the vote, according to Dieter Nohlen in his book: Elections in Europe: A data handbook.
But for Catena, this constitution is an out of date document with Franco’s influence all over it. King Juan Carlos was the protégée of Franco and this whole process didn’t destroy fascist institutions of government, it simply modified them.
He thinks that it should be amended in more ways than just to allow Catalans to vote.
For Morales, this type of thinking shows ignorance about the whole process.
“It’s not from Franco, that’s a lie. It was a truly democratic exercise where everyone participated including the communists and socialists, Catalans, and Basques,” she said. “To transition from a dictatorship to democracy without spilling a drop of blood proves that this is a model to follow. This was the best time for Catalans because there was no war and it launched a state of peace that has persisted till today.”
“If Franco raised his head in his grave, he would have been horrified by some of the members of the new parliament. They try to disqualify the constitution by saying it’s not important and it doesn’t matter to them. But they’ve benefited from the equality of rights that it's guaranteed.”
But none of that history will convince independistes that they shouldn’t be allowed to vote.
A banner declaring that auto-determination is a right and not a crime.
While a legal referendum seems unlikely, independistes are split on what the outcome could be. Millan is quietly optimistic.
“You’re asking a question that a few months ago, I would have said no, but I think with every passing day, the yes side gets stronger and has a better chance at winning.”
He holds this opinion despite the fact that no is ahead in the polls.
As for Catena, he’s more guarded and he thinks that the other side might just edge it if a vote was held.
As I finish my conservation with him, I ask if he has anything that he wants to say or add.
He looks me straight in the eye and bangs the table with the palm of his hand as he utters these three words.
“Visca Catalunya Lliure (long live a free Catalonia in Catalan)!”
As I see the steely look in his eyes, I realize that this is someone who will keep the fight for Catalonia going. The same battle that our great-grandfathers fought side by side for so many years ago.
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